Yesterday, Kos responded to the pro-Clinton strikers. His post argues the following:

  1. The site has never claimed to include everyone on the left or all Democrats.
  2. The site has embraced a particular vision of political mobilization and the transformation of the Democratic Party (50 state strategy; grassroots oriented; change the DLC; reject consultants; no PAC money, etc.). Hillary Clinton actively opposes that vision.
  3. Clinton is not winning the primaries and cannot win without dividing the party and staging a coup against the popular vote via superdelegates.
  4. Clinton’s response has been to foment “civil war” within the party and for that she deserves whatever the blogosphere, Keith Olbermann, and others can throw at her.

The long quote below sums it all up nicely. The bold text was in the original:

To reiterate, [Clinton] cannot win without overturning the will of the national Democratic electorate and fomenting civil war, and she doesn’t care.

That’s why she has earned my enmity and that of so many others. That’s why she is bleeding super delegates. That’s why she’s even bleeding her own caucus delegates (remember, she lost a delegate in Iowa on Saturday). That’s why Keith Olbermann finally broke his neutrality. That’s why Nancy Pelosi essentially cast her lot with Obama. That’s why Democrats outside of the Beltway are hoping for the unifying Obama at the top of the ticket, and not a Clinton so divisive, she is actually working to split her own party.

Meanwhile, Clinton and her shrinking band of paranoid holdouts wail and scream about all those evil people who have “turned” on Clinton and are no longer “honest power brokers” or “respectable voices” or whatnot, wearing blinders to reality, talking about silly little “strikes” when in reality, Clinton is planning a far more drastic, destructive and dehabilitating civil war.

People like me have two choices — look the other way while Clinton attempts to ignite her civil war, or fight back now, before we cross that dangerous line. Honestly, it wasn’t a difficult choice. And it’s clear, looking at where the super delegates, most bloggers, and people like Olbermann are lining up, that the mainstream of the progressive movement is making the same choice.

And the more super delegates see what is happening, and what Clinton has in store, the more imperative it is that they line up behind Obama and put an end to it before it’s too late.

I agree with Kos’ assessment of the primary situation and the problems with the Clinton campaign’s reprehensible actions. I also agree that the pro-Clinton “strike” on the site is a violation of the norms established many years ago. This was clear from Allegre’s diary entry announcing the strike, in which s/he argues for a strange vision of Democratic unity in which party members don’t criticize each other (in a really bizarre twist, Allegre then mis-attributes that idea of unity to Barack Obama…this is polemical bunk). The Daily Kos leadership and community have never embraced that kind of vision. From a strategic perspective, I agree that they never should.

Kos’ post interests me for other reasons then. In it, he re-iterates the norms governing the community through a reference to the founding ideals of the site and an extension of those ideals to the current primary election situation. The preservation of the site’s original ideals depends on such occasional interventions from the community leader. In turn, the ideals and norms maintain the basis for large-scale collaboration and conversation.

But if that’s the case, does it negate what I wrote earlier about the significance of defection from large-scale collaborative communities? I don’t think so. Highly symbolic defections like this one still matter even if they are not grounded in an accurate interpretation of community norms. This skirmish, no matter how mundane or over-blown it has been, is part of the ongoing process of managing discursive production on the site.

A series of questions I’m working on at the moment and some of the resources I’ve found:

  • How do ideas move through the political blogosphere?
  • What role does the political blogosphere play in “agenda setting” within the mainstream media (msm), political party elites, and networks of expertise (think tanks, consultants, etc.)?
  • Do these roles vary for blogs on the right versus blogs on the left
  • Also, how does blog governance operate across the political spectrum? Is there a predominant model of community organization that has emerged? Are there patterns that correspond to whether the blogs come from right or left?
  • How do large, collaborative blogs produce stable community and governance structures? To what degree are they self-organizing and to what degree do they rely on various “levers” to reproduce stable patterns of collaboration and sufficiently low rates of defection?

Some interesting tools that should help me approach these problems include the following:

There are others (and I’ll try to keep adding them as I dig them up), but this is a good start. The big questions that I can try to answer here really have to do with the way this architecture (in the sense that a community design is often unplanned) relates to the “culture” of the political blogosphere. How does citizenship – or something like it – emerge in the blogosphere and other social spaces of the collaborative web? Why are the power-sellers uniting and what are they going to do?

A recent piece by Chris Wilson on Slate.com as well as some conversations with Yochai Benkler at the Berkman Center have gotten me thinking more seriously about the institutional side of web 2.0 and the organizational structure of social production.

It seems like there is a growing realization that the revolution in networked production has involved more than friendly collaboration among like minded amateurs. Anyone who frequents web 2.0 sites already knows this – wikipedia has its chaperones, amazon has its super-reviewers, digg has its preferred posters, etc. Furthermore, anyone with a background in organizational theory would expect this. There’s no reason to believe that pure peer-production could scale without costs or without the creation of disciplinary institutions of some kind. Nevertheless, Wilson’s piece reads like an expose – similar to this earlier Slate piece by Garth Risk Hallberg on Amazon Book Reviews. The rhetoric of openness and collaboration may yet come back to haunt these projects.

From a more analytical perspective, though, these pieces raise some really interesting questions. For example: how do the different kinds of regulatory systems work within each of these sites/communities? What systems scale most effectively? What mechanisms determine the emergence or success of one web 2.0 organizational structure over another?

I’m going to be doing some posting about these questions in relation to the mother-of-all-web 2.0-sites, Daily Kos in the near future (part of my work with Benkler). However, in the meantime, I wanted to take advantage of these articles to start thinking about how to design researchable questions about to these issues.

You might start with several different kinds of questions:

(a) What characterizes the institutional design of the community? What are the levers of control, manipulation, power, and consensus?

(b) How did the institutional design evolve over time?

(c) What problems does the institutional design solve? In particular, how does it elicit the collaboration of participants?

(d) Where are the contradictions and tensions most likely to emerge given the structure of the field elicited by the institutional design and the forms of power involved? Where does the institutional design break down?

All of these lend themselves to very different kinds of research strategies.

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.